and the American struggle in Iraq," Ma'ariv quoted the
former prime minister as saying. He reportedly added that these events "swung
American public opinion in our favor."
Netanyahu reportedly made the comments during a conference at Bar-Ilan
University on the division of Jerusalem as part of a peace deal with the
Meanwhile, Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad cast doubt
over the veracity of the September 11 attacks Thursday,
calling it a pretext to invade Afghanistan and Iraq.
"Four or five years ago, a suspicious event occurred in New York. A
building collapsed and they said that 3,000 people had been killed but never
published their names," Ahmadinejad told Iranians in the holy city of Qom.
"Under this pretext, they [the U.S.] attacked Afghanistan and Iraq and
since then, a million people have been killed only in Iraq."
Speaking Wednesday at a news conference on the Iran threat, Netanyahu compared
Ahmadinejad to Adolf Hitler and likened Tehran's nuclear program to the threat
the Nazis posed to Europe in the late 1930s.
Netanyahu said Iran differed from the Nazis in one vital respect, explaining
that "where that [Nazi] regime embarked on a global conflict before it
developed nuclear weapons," he said. "This regime [Iran] is developing
nuclear weapons before it embarks on a global conflict."
Now you may understand the
The Scheme for their False
King, that son of Perdition, moves rapidly forward
WOULD A JEWISH CONSTITUTION
By Prof. Paul Eidelberg
Given the increasing number of Israel's Arab citizens, Israel's present form
of government is not viable and will not see much of the 21st
century. Hence the present writer has drafted a Jewish Constitution which, if
implemented, would enable Israel to pursue its national purpose with vigor and
Judging from various sociological studies, such a Constitution would win the
support of a substantial majority of Israel's Jewish population. Spokesmen
across the political and religious spectrum recognize that Israel's present
system of government is a monstrosity. To increase support for a Jewish
Constitution, it will be helpful to dispel the prejudice that government under
such a Constitution would be theocratic. This is more a semantic than a
substantive issue. If "theocracy" signifies a regime ruled by a church
or by priests, Judaism is not theocratic. There is no
church in Judaism, neither THEOLOGICALLY, since
there is no mediation between G-d and the individual Jew, nor
INSTITUTIONALLY, since there is no ecclesiastical hierarchy.
Their is No Faith in Jesus Christ the Messiah
If, however, the word "theocracy" is construed literally as the
"rule of G-d," then Judaism is theocratic, for G-d is the ultimate
source of law and authority. But what does this mean OPERATIONALLY? In Judaism
no priesthood BUT ONLY PUBLICLY TESTED SCHOLARSHIP CAN LAY CLAIM TO ANY VALIDITY
REGARDING THE LAWS OF THE TORAH. This means that the Torah belongs to every Jew,
whether he is a Kohane, Levite, or Israelite. Let us examine these three
The first thing to be noted is that they are hereditary but not closed. The
daughter of an Israelite or Levite may marry a Kohane and her children will be
Kohanes, since "class" status is patrilineal. Hence, even though
Kohanes have distinct duties and privileges, there is no separation of
"classes." Nor is there a ruling class. In a truly Jewish state, who
rules is based, first and foremost, on intellectual and moral character. Indeed,
the most authentic form of Jewish leadership is that of the teacher, whose power
is not political but intellectual and moral.
Moreover, unlike the practice of any so-called aristocracy, education in
Israel is open to, and even required of, all members of the community. Far from
stratifying the three "classes," TORAH EDUCATION IS THE GREAT UNIFYING
FORCE OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE, A PEOPLE THAT HONORS SCHOLARS MORE THAN KINGS.
More than the KING of KINGS
In a mature Jewish community the center of gravity lies not in any ruling
class but in the body of the people. In fact, it is hardly an exaggeration to
say that the leaders of a Jewish community act consistently with the Torah when
they make themselves superfluous! In such a community, writes Rabbi Samson
Raphael Hirsch, "let a Rabbi try to give one decision in opposition to the
Torah, and the humblest Jewish apprentice will refuse obedience and rebuke the
Rabbi for his error or forgetfulness of his duty, and remind him that among Jews
it is not the clerical robe nor government decrees that confer authority, that
the word of the most celebrated Rabbi carries weight only so long as it accords
with the law, and is null and void if it conflicts with the law sanctioned in
Because the Torah belongs to the people as a whole, no hierarchical power can
impose any regulations or any officials on a Jewish community without first
obtaining its consent. As the Sages themselves teach:
"We must not appoint a leader over the community without first
consulting it" (Berachot 55a). They also teach that every regulation
made by a Beit Din which has not been accepted by the majority has no binding
And they all cry "Give us a King to be over
This should not be construed in terms of contemporary democratic thought.
There is no unqualified majoritarianism in the Torah. Under Judaic law the
minority can compel the majority to carry out everything which is a legal
obligation of the community. (Contrast the American Constitution whereby an
individual can bring a suit to the Supreme Court which in turn can declare a law
enacted by Congress unconstitutional, hence null and void.)
The above analysis should dispel the prejudice that a Torah government would
be a "theocracy," a state ruled by a priestly caste. Incidentally,
back in the 18th century, Harvard president Samuel Langdon considered the
government embodied in the Torah to be a "perfect republic."
Without a Jewish Constitution Israel will drift from crisis to crisis, the
plaything of forces beyond its control. Zionist organizations should therefore
emulate the Foundation for Constitutional Democracy and place the idea of a
Jewish Constitution on the agenda of public affairs. If
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu is
reelected for a second (and last term), and were he then to take up this cause
and bring it to fruition, his would be an illustrious place in Jewish history.
Classical versus Contemporary Democracy
The success of these Plans will ultimately depend on the restoration of
Classical Democracy and its assimilation to Judaism. Classical Democracy must
first be distinguished from Contemporary Democracy. Judging from the prevailing
ideas and behavior of Western democratic societies, Contemporary Democracy is
little more than a random aggregation of individuals and groups pursuing their
own aims and interests. The result is nihilism and multiculturalism
(fortified by the doctrine of moral and cultural relativism that dominates every
level of education in the West). Lacking in Contemporary Democracy are not only
unifying norms of human conduct, but any rational basis for national loyalty.
Contemporary Democracy denies the existence of universally valid standards by
which to determine whether the way of life of one individual, group, or nation
is intrinsically superior to that of another or more conducive to human
In contrast, Classical Democracy is based on the idea of a Higher Law. The
Higher Law doctrine of the American Declaration of Independence--there termed
the "Laws of Nature and of Nature's God"--may be traced to the Bible
of Israel, i.e. the Torah. The biblical foundation of American constitutional
democracy is often overlooked. Strange as it may seem, the American
Constitution is far more consistent with the Torah than Israel's present form of
government. The Torah is itself a Written Constitution with institutional
checks and balances.The executive and judicial-legislative
functions of government are divided between a King and a Supreme Court also
called the Great Sanhedrin. Just
as the Sanhedrin is the
final interpreter of Israel's fundamental law, the Torah, so the American
Supreme Court is the final interpreter of America's fundamental law, the
Constitution. As for the executive, a President of the United States may be
impeached, as may (in effect) a King of Israel.
Eighteenth-century American educators saw in the "polity" of the
Torah--apart from its ceremonial laws--a model for American government. Contrary
to the British and European political tradition, which fixes sovereignty in the
State, and not in the people, the Torah posits the sovereignty of the people, of
course under God. This does not mean theocracy. The rule of a priestly class
over a "laity" is foreign to Judaic jurisprudence. Because the Torah
belongs to the people as a whole, no hierarchical power can impose any rules or
regulations or any officials on a Jewish community without first obtaining its
consent. Ironically, whereas the American government was originally based on the
Jewish conception of sovereignty, Israel's present government is based on a
non-Jewish conception of sovereignty!
Since the Torah (the Higher Law) limits the powers of government, it posits a
most extensive ensemble of individual rights and reciprocal duties: the right to
privacy; the presumption of innocence; the right to file suit against a King of
Israel; the inadmissibility of confessions and circumstantial evidence in
criminal cases; the requirement of virtuous witnesses; the right to a speedy
trial; the prohibition against double jeopardy; the right to private enterprise,
constrained by Jewish ethics, especially by the eight grades of charity, the
highest being the provision of gainful employment to needy people. These are but
a few aspects of Jewish Constitutional Law or of Jewish Constitutional
Furthermore, and of crucial importance, the original understanding of the
term "democracy" differs radically from contemporary democratic
thought. Classically understood, democracy means the rule of an ethnically
distinct people, a people united not only by language, but by endogamous
patterns of marriage and by shared beliefs and values rooted in a common
past--the basis of national loyalty. (This conception of a people is analogous
to the Torah's distinction between an Am and a Goy. The latter is a corporate
entity whose members are not united by a distinct way of life. The Foundation
for Constitutional Democracy is committed to the restoration of Classical
Democracy and its assimilation to Judaism.
Please note that as a result of constructive criticism and further research
on the Constitutions and electoral laws of many, many Gentile Constitutions, I
have made significant changes in the first draft of our own proposed
Constitution. I am still learning, and I welcome -- with all my heart -- the
knowledge of others. Even now I am thinking of adding the following power to the
lower branch of the legislature -- which is based on one adult/one vote but has
only the function of administrative oversight -- namely, to allow the lower
branch to propose legislation, but which the upper branch -- consisting solely
of Jews -- can amend or simply reject.
Now if we use the contemporary standard of indiscriminate equality, this
Jewish distinction is undemocratic. (It's also
undemocratic to require a US President to be native-born.) The point to
bear in mind is that democratic equality is only one principle, which, if you
absolutize -- like giving the vote to 12 year-olds -- would destroy any
democracy. Indiscriminate equality violates the very notion of nationhood or
peoplehood. Athenian democracy required its citizens to be ethnic Athenians.
Jewish democracy requires its citizens to be Jews, which means only Jews can
make the laws of the country. Obviously this will be deemed racism as well as
undemocratic -- but only because contemporary mentality is dominated by
egalitarianism -- the ISM being totalitarian. Japan doesn't suffer from this
cultural self-denial, yet it is a democracy -- in the classical sense.
What we have to do is modify the language of public discourse. We have to
redefine basic concepts. As mentioned above, we have to assimilate democracy to
Judaism, not the reverse.
Jn:19:15: But they cried out, Away with him, away with him, crucify him. Pilate saith unto them, Shall I crucify your King? The chief priests answered,
We have no king but Caesar.
January 30, 2004
the early 1970s, Prof. Hillel Weiss was one of the founders of the religious
peace movement. Today he preaches the necessity of rebuilding the Temple and
of Jewish rule over Greater Israel. Who does he represent?
Weiss is convinced that the building of the
should begin immediately, that the Sanhedrin
(the Jewish `supreme court' during the Second Temple period) should be
reinstated and that a king should reign over Israel.
one of the founders of the settlement of Elkana and a professor of Hebrew
literature at Bar-Ilan University (BIU), speaks with complete clarity, is
aware of all the details of the reality surrounding us, and even has a complex
attitude toward the Palestinians. He recently published "Derech Hamelekh"
("King's Way: Politics-Literature-Documents," ACPR Publishers,
2003), a collection of essays and articles that present his philosophy, the
main focus of which is "to soon reach the hoped-for day in which God
himself will be the king of the entire world, before the eyes of all living
leaders of the settlers turn to the secular public, they usually minimize the
messianic dimension of their ideological infrastructure. Prof. Weiss explains
this dimension, clearly and without embarrassment.
the word `messianic' is a dirty word," he says. "But during the
1930s, as demonstrated by post-Zionist researcher Hanan Hever, it was the
central theme of poetry, and not only that of Uri Zvi Greenberg [a right-wing
Zionist poet], but of writers such as T. Carmi and Avraham Shlonsky as well.
Today, in the situation to which democracy has deteriorated, this folly,
everything looks different."
Rosenthal, today the editor of the periodical Panim and a columnist for the
daily Ma'ariv, used to edit the articles by Weiss that were published in the
now-defunct newspapers Hadashot and Davar.
seems to me completely sane, and even pleasant," says Rosenthal.
"He's definitely not a fool. At first I liked him, because I saw him as a
kind of hip guy with a kippa [skullcap]: He had humor, mischievousness, clever
use of language. But, intellectually, he has gone mad. Today he is happy to
show me that he has progressed another step toward what I see as insanity, and
what he sees as putting another finishing touch on his world view. He has
ceased to interest me for that reason - because there is nobody with whom to
argue. He has removed himself not only from the consensus, but from the
Israeli language itself."
least in one sense, Rosenthal is mistaken. Simply because Weiss doesn't bother
to camouflage himself behind "rational" security claims, he is a
good representative of the logic underlying the settlement movement. In that
sense, he speaks in an Israeli language that is much more real than that of
others. His claims may make arguing with him impossible, but without them it
is almost impossible to understand the political reality in which we are
it's easy to agree with Rosenthal's words about Weiss' pleasant personality.
The words of Maccabit Eldar, a doctoral student in the literature department
of BIU, are a representative example: "Although I'm on the opposite end
in terms of politics, I have managed to create excellent mutual inspiration
with Weiss. He is a person with whom it is very pleasant to work, an excellent
mentor, who knows how give encouragement and support. It's a great honor to
work with him."
his academic work, Weiss focuses on the study of the works of the Israeli
Nobel Prize laureate S.Y. Agnon, and he is now putting all Agnon's writings on
the Internet. The interview took place in his office at the BIU campus, an
ordinary lecturer's room, with a sticker saying "Let the Messiah
come" on his door.
is your definition of redemption?
"I see redemption as a situation in which the Land of Israel in its
biblical borders is in the hands of Israel; most of the nations love the
Jewish people and come to the Temple to worship God (they don't have to
exists; there is a kingdom in Israel and the king is the messiah,
his representative or his descendants.
2 Thes.1: Now we beseech you, brethren, by the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and by our gathering together unto him,
2: That ye be not soon shaken in mind, or be troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter as from us, as that the day of Christ is at hand.
3: Let no man deceive you by any means: for that day shall not come, except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin be revealed,
the son of perdition;
4: Who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped; so that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, shewing himself that he is God.
5: Remember ye not, that, when I was yet with you, I told you these things?
6: And now ye know what withholdeth that he might be revealed in his time.
7: For the mystery of iniquity doth already work: only he who now letteth will let, until he be taken out of the way.
8: And then shall that Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming:
9: Even him, whose coming is after the working of Satan with all power and signs and lying wonders,
10: And with all deceivableness of unrighteousness in them that perish; because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved.
11: And for this cause God shall send them strong delusion, that they should believe a lie:
12: That they all might be damned who believed not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighteousness.
13: But we are bound to give thanks alway to God for you, brethren beloved of the Lord, because God hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation through sanctification of the Spirit and belief of the truth:
14: Whereunto he called you by our gospel, to the obtaining of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ.
role as an intellectual is to try to prove that this model is not naive or
utopian, but rational, essential and beneficial to all people. I'm not certain
that I'm capable of it, but I hope to succeed with the help of a great deal of
listening and dialogue."
listens attentively, is quick to stop talking as soon as someone asks a
question, and tries to answer it to the best of his ability. Nevertheless,
he leads his words down a very associative path, quickly jumps from one
topic to another, and if one doesn't stop him, his replies can be very
lengthy. An example:
dedicated "Derekh Hamelekh" to soldiers who fell in what you
defined as the "Lebanon War." Isn't that a leftist expression?
`Peace in the Galilee' war [Israel's official name for the 1982 Lebanon War]
is a Beginistic [i.e., having to do with Menachem Begin, who was prime
minister at the time] is an idiotic name, and that's why I don't mind at all
using the terminology of the left. When I wrote the dedication I thought
about the connection between Lebanon and the Temple Mount. Lebanon is the
Temple Mount. The withdrawal from Lebanon reminded me of all the verses from
Psalms that describe how the enemy cuts down the cedars from which the
Temple was built. Yehuda Etzion [one of the leaders of the Temple Mount
Faithful movement] has already written about the connection between the
withdrawal from Lebanon and the attitude toward the Temple Mount. But I
don't want to tell you stories. Soon there will be
goyim [non-Jews] coming here, reporters from German television, to interview
me about anti-Semitism in Europe. I'll tell them that the main reason for
anti-Semitism is Jewish self-denial.
goyim expect the Jews to be Jews, and not to deny their identity. It's not a
matter of a desire for victory. The nation is now desecrating God's name.
When the people of Israel are humiliated, we will be devoured - ostensibly
that is proof that there is no God or that he has abandoned the nation.
Without Jews, the world is without God, disoriented. And before peace is
achieved, there have to be several preconditions. For example, God forbid,
But there doesn't have to be a catastrophe. I have no wish for a catastrophe,
nor a Trotskyite belief that the worse things are, the better they will be.
The problem is that today the entire world is being drawn into a catastrophic
situation, and it doesn't look as though that will be stopped - despite all
the attempts to make peace, such as [the accord signed recently in] Geneva. I
reject this document because it erases the Temple Mount, and transfers
sovereignty over it to the Arabs. Thank God that [former prime minister] Ehud
Barak didn't have the courage or the suicide wish to cross this threshold. But
I'll tell you one positive thing about Geneva: This document is at least not
post-Zionist, because it provides a place for the self-definition of the
is the father of the concept "post-Zionist,"
without which it is difficult to imagine contemporary Israeli discourse. He
first used it in an article he wrote in 1974 about the absence of heroes and
heroism in Hebrew literature (it was published in the Religious Kibbutz
Movement's periodical Amudim). That was only two years after the ideological
revolution he underwent, from the extreme left of the national religious
movement to its right wing. In the early 1970s,
Weiss participated, together with the late Prof. Ariel Rosen-Zvi, in the
founding of the Oz Veshalom movement, which today is called Netivot Shalom,
and is considered the representative of the left wing in religious Zionist
originally a leftist," confirms Weiss. "I don't say that, like a
pig trying to prove it's kosher, it's the truth. There is no doubt, for
example, that my anarchism stems from the left lobe of my brain. The right
side only directs these powers. Even now I am opposed to religious parties,
although I have voted for the National Religious Party all my life, and only
in the last elections did I vote for Baruch Marzel [a member of the extreme
right-wing Herut party]."
has published many political articles in the newspapers Hadashot, Davar and
Hatzofeh and after the signing of the Oslo Accords - like many others in the
rightist camp - his anti- government statements became more extreme. In
1993, he even tried to found a movement called Hatikva, to consolidate the
ranks of the right, but the party died out quickly. A
month before the murder of prime minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, Weiss
petitioned the High Court of Justice, calling on it to try Rabin and Shimon
Peres, who was foreign minister at the time, for betraying the Land of
days after the murder of Rabin, Weiss was penitent and wrote in the
now-defunct newspaper Davar Rishon: "We thought that people don't die
from curses ... Murder and bloodshed, which include humiliation, are the
most extreme human deterioration, which should never take place ... My
statements - at least the violent part of them, today seem to me superfluous
and very wrong ... In order to refrain from any violence, including verbal
violence - which may contribute to physical violence as well ... we should
speak the truth quietly, and behave simply and honestly ... Let everyone
examine his deeds, and consider himself guilty and his friend
Weiss sounds like a person who has returned to his old ways, and he sticks
to the conspiracy theory: "I have no problem with what I wrote before
Rabin's murder, as long as they don't investigate the Avishai Raviv affair
and the contribution of the Jewish division of the Shin Bet security
services, may its name and its memory be erased, to the murder. How is it
possible that they told Rabin's wife `Nothing has happened to your husband'?
Or the cry `dummy bullets'? It was a conspiracy of Rabin against himself.
There was an attempt to stage a murder. That's why someone shouted `dummy
58, a father of five and grandfather of seven, grew up in Ramat Gan and
studied at the religious Tzeitlin High School in Tel Aviv. In the Israel
Defense Forces (IDF), he served in the Nahal Brigade (which combines active
duty with life in outlying agricultural communities), and after his
discharge he studied law at the Tel Aviv branch of Hebrew University, and
literature at BIU, where he started to teach in 1973. He attributes his
departure from the left wing of the national religious movement to the
reserve duty stint that he did in the summer of 1972 at the IDF Command and
was the assistant to a sergeant who glued maps, and I saw the army at its
worst," he says. "I saw the officers at the school cheating in
exams, the decadence in the staff dining room, the way they ate from fine
china, the separation between officers and enlisted men - these were things
I hadn't seen when I served in the Nahal. I saw the hedonism, the
corruption, the trips with mistresses to Sharm el-Sheikh, that's what
interested them. That's not how I had imagined the army ... An army like
that, an army of vice - not only can't it win, it mustn't win. It wouldn't
be just for it to win."
the reserve duty, he says, he returned home and for two months, holed up and
read 50 Israeli novels, every day from 8 A.M. to 11 P.M. "I didn't find
in the books even one positive reference to a hero or to heroism in battle.
Then I understood that Hebrew literature is sick, and causes tremendous
cultural and security damage to the state. The hollow reality in Israeli
life is dominant, and therefore concepts of heroism and a hero were
impossible. In an egoistic situation, in a situation of disintegration,
there cannot be love - for the homeland, for one's wife, for God. And if
there is no destiny and purpose, there is no hero, either."
love for his homeland includes the Temple, the Sanhedrin
and the kingdom. "In the chapter about the constitution in his
book `Der Judenstaat,' Herzl speaks of a democratic monarchy," says
Weiss, citing a secular source. "And why is he opposed to plain
democracy? Perhaps he understood where such a democracy can lead. Today what
we have is not democracy, but an oligarchy that wants to lead the people. I
am very opposed to globalization: Those who are leading Israel are the World
Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Supreme Court and the state
prosecutor. That's not democracy, it's a fake. On this issue I have common
`war' with the Arabs, including the Palestinians, against the United
will change when redemption comes?
redemption comes I assume that people will find internal spiritual content;
there won't be hunger for bread, but for the word of God. There won't be
competition over basic urges, but over wisdom and enlightenment. Not
economic competition like today, which causes people to be the race of
the economic-social plane, he says, he hasn't abandoned his leftist
positions. When in the summer there was a discussion about the need to
dismiss young lecturers from BIU's department of Jewish literature, Weiss
suggested that he and other veteran lecturers give up part of their salary
to allow the younger people to remain. The source of
his social motivation lies in religious faith, and he speaks in religious
terms about the evil of world capitalism and globalization, which he
considers the polar opposite of Judaism: "I admit that to be a Jew is
constant fear of destruction, and therefore every Jew pulls at his foreskin
- so people won't see that he's circumcised. As they said about Peres
- I don't know if it's true - that he said that he hopes that all Israeli
children will be linked to the Internet and to Nike. There is no greater
contrast to Jewish authenticity than those things."
attitude toward non-authentic Jews - i.e., secular ones - is complex. On the
one hand, he is convinced that the divine promise to the patriarchs will not
be fulfilled if the Jews don't observe the commandments, and therefore he
believes that they are delaying redemption. On the other hand, he has no
doubt that even the secular are considered a chosen people, and he has no
hatred for them.
not trying to stone wayward women," he says. "As Jesus said:
`Forgive them for they know not what they do.' Unfortunately, people
consider `chosen people' a racist, arrogant concept. The media and the
academic world take it in a Nazi direction. That's a victory for Hitler,
to the Jewish people is not a matter of biology - after all, anyone can
had arranged in advance that at the time of our meeting he would be giving an
interview he had promised to the crew of a German television channel - and he
answers the interviewer's questions about anti-Semitism in a mixture of
excellent Hebrew, mediocre English and terrible German: "The Europeans
still behave like wild men toward the Jews, but the Jews also have a great
part in this. Unfortunately, the Jews inflame anti-Semitism in various ways. I
consider the [Jewish] leftists miserable people, I pity them. Poor guys. They
are one of the greatest causes of anti-Semtiism. If only they would
isn't satisfied with the situation in religious society either. "The
leaders of the National Religious Party drive me crazy," he says.
"They have the screwed up chip in the brain - the submissive chip of the
`dossim' [a derogatory term for ultra-Orthodox Jews]. I didn't see Shaul
Yahalom [an MK from the NRP] lying down to protest the Arab excavations on the
Temple Mount, which are turning it into dust. Even the leftists, [writers]
Amos Oz, A.B. Yehoshua and S. Yizhar, petitioned the High Court of Justice
against the digging, together with the Israel Antiquities Authority. There is
no greater desecration of God's name than the agreement of Barak, [Ariel]
Sharon and [Benjamin] Netanyahu
to the excavations on the Temple Mount - they are erasing the remains of the
Temple. How can there not be anti-Semitism when one sees such garbage
all this, it is surprising to discover that the group that makes him angriest
is the ultra-Orthodox community. "My greatest heartache is the
sectarianism and the attempt to preserve the hegemony of the Lithuanian Jews
and of the Council of Torah Sages and of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, without
understanding the terminal existential responsibility placed on this group
regarding the Jewish people and the entire world," he says. "They
should have been forced to create a forum for joint halakhic [traditional
Jewish legal] discussion with the Sephardim [Jews of North African and Middle
Eastern origin] and with the religious Zionist rabbis. And there is no sin -
it's much greater than that of Oslo and Geneva - that will cause the
destruction of the entire Jewish people like the absence of a central forum to
discuss halakhot, a Sanhedrin.
not talking about something magical: A central Torah authority is an
existential-physical precondition for the survival of the Jewish people. The
rise of Shinui, the immigration policy, the foreign workers and the non-Jewish
immigrants - it's the fault of the rabbis. They benefit from the state's
money, and as [the late philosopher] Yeshayahu Leibowitz said, it ends with a
relationship such as that of the priests with Ahab and Jezebel. The 1999
demonstration organized by the Haredim [ultra-Orthodox] against the Supreme
Court [for decisions they considered anti-religious and contrary to halakha]
was a one-time act of cowardice. If there were constant activity, they would
have won long ago. The NRP is sitting in this government only because there is
no sovereign-religious body, otherwise they wouldn't dare."
horror of feminism
is willing to recognize the purity of the political intentions of some of his
ideological rivals, such as Amos Oz. "He has no criminal intention,"
he says. "He thinks he is representing the Jewish people as well as he
can." But his tolerance for Oz's opinions ends with his writings.
"In my opinion, he is first and foremost a seducer of underaged
girls," states Weiss. "His books are full of cheap, stylized erotic
charm. As Baruch Kurzweil wrote about `My Michael': Hannah Gonen [the book's
heroine] is more dangerous than all the Arab armies together - because of the
sanctification of psychological and erotic submissiveness. She expresses the
desire of the victim to have sexual intercourse with a predatory force:
blacks, Arabs, Sephardim. The attraction to the wild is a well-known motif in
all Western literature since `Lady Chatterley's Lover.' Hannah Gonen is a very
dangerous woman because she prepares the ground for betrayal and grants
legitimacy to satisfy one's urges everywhere."
he says, begins "the story of the Four Mothers movement, and all the
feminism. In other words, the Israeli man is a variation of the eunuch Michael
Gonen, and the Arabs are not eunuchs. Feminism is a terrible thing, Sodom. The
fact that the woman is adopting traits of autonomy, power, will destroy the
world, and she is shattering the entire world: her female friends, her family,
everyone. What attorney Yehoshua Resnick said in your magazine about women in
the state prosecutor's office - he's 100 percent correct. I want the woman as
a goddess of mercy and a goddess of fertility, not a goddess of the hunt. Be a
mother, not a dictator. Feminism has destroyed the family unit and it has
is a controversial subject. Many people think it ends at the checkpoints, but
Weiss is convinced they are mistaken: "Were it not for this cruelty and
this brutishness of the Border Police, the Golani Brigade, the Druze and the
Bedouin - we wouldn't survive. If we were all only readers of Haaretz and
dossim, we wouldn't survive. The Jewish people had to undergo a personality
change, to take a sword and kill, simply in order to survive. And there's
nothing to be done, there's something wholesale about cruelty, and the
individual suffers even if he is innocent. I don't think that an old man with
kidney disease should be delayed [at the checkpoints], but there has to be a
policy of checkpoints, because if the Paratroopers behave like sissies, and
the Four Mothers dominate the army, we're lost."
this same cruelty, according to Weiss, is not justified when its victims are
Jews from his camp. "The harassment of the Jews of Hebron by the Jewish
division of the Shin Bet, may its name and its memory be erased, is
intolerable," he says angrily. "What they did to Noam Federman [a
member of a Jewish terror group accused of weapons possession], I wrote a
letter about it to [Defense Minister Shaul] Mofaz. Here I strongly relate to
the left - there's no such thing as administrative detention. It's not a means
of punishment. If you have proof, then bring him to trial. I'm sure this man
hasn't done anything, it's all revenge by the Jewish division of the Shin Bet,
may its name and its memory be erased, against the power and the strength that
this man inspires in opponents of the regime."
what he said about the necessary cruelty at the checkpoints, Weiss is not
motivated by hatred of Palestinians. He reveals that he feels no emotional
connection to the philosophy of Kahane (the late racist, right-wing rabbi) and
in "Derekh Hamelekh," he even wrote: "It's true that the Jews,
and particularly the authorities in all the governments, didn't treat the
Arabs properly. They humiliated them, discriminated against them unnecessarily
and occasionally ill-treated them ... The solution is to be humane in the most
profound Jewish sense, toward Jews as well as Arabs, which means to love both
your brother and the ger toshav [a resident who is a foreigner], and to hate
to checkpoints, no to a separation fence. Why?
Jews, or the Jewboys, are like the ostrich. They think that if they hide
behind a fence, everything will be okay. But the real purpose of the fence is
different: to create a Jewish ghetto."
what will happen?
will be terrible. A horror. There will be a sudden war much worse than the Yom
Kippur War. The IDF will have no answer at first. The missiles of the
Egyptians will be activated. And those of the Syrians. And those of the more
distant countries. There will be hundreds of thousands of dead here. Then the
UN and the Europeans will come here. But it will end well - with redemption,
with the Temple, with the coming of the messiah. As it is written: `Let thy
tender mercies speedily come to meet us, for we are brought very low' [Psalms
Jn:8:44: Ye are of your father the devil, and the lusts of your father ye will do. He was a murderer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, because there is no truth in him. When he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own: for he is a liar, and the father of it.
Asked about a
recent incident that occurred when Benjamin Netanyahu
visited Ariel Sharon in hospital, Weisglass denied that Netanyahu
had tried to switch off the former Prime Minister’s life support machine.
“There was a bit of a mix up. It was dark in the room, and Bibby thought he
was reaching for the light switch. And when he appeared to be strangling his old
rival he was in fact engaging in the trational Likud bear hug, passed down all
the way from Jabotinsky. Anyway, Sharon is not really relevant to Israeli
politics. What I want to concentrate on is Likud. We are a forward-looking party
not a collection of loony rightists. That is why we are keen to abolish the
position of President and replace it with the King of Judah and re-establish the
Sanhedrin in Eilat (in one of the